Al, Serhun
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Al, S.
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serhun.al@ieu.edu.tr
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03.06. Political Science and International Relations
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| Journal | Count |
|---|---|
| Mülkiye Dergisi | 3 |
| Comparative Kurdish Politics in the Middle East: Actors, Ideas, and Interests | 3 |
| Alternatives: Global, Local, Political | 1 |
| Federalism, Secession, and International Recognition Regime: Iraqi Kurdistan | 1 |
| Journal of Balkan And Near Eastern Studıes | 1 |
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Book Part Citation - Scopus: 2Iraqi Kurdistan Independence Aspirations and the Neo-Ottomanist Turkish(Taylor and Francis, 2018) Tugdar E.E.; Al, SerhunTraditionally and historically, modern Turkey has always been against the idea of an independent Kurdistan in northern Iraq due to a fear of a spillover effect among Turkey’s own Kurdish population. However, after the rise of the Justice and Development Party (AKP, in Turkish) as a hegemonic power in after 2002, the relations between Ankara and Erbil have been significantly transformed as KRG has economically and politically become Turkey’s key strategic partner in the region. This chapter analyzes the ebb and flow in Turkey’s contemporary relationship with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq within the context of the September 2017 Kurdish independence referendum, in particular, and the idea of an independent Kurdistan, in general. We argue that Turkey’s evolving relationship with the KRG under the rule of AKP depends on the domestic balance of power in Turkish politics, on the one hand, and the regional security context, on the other. Two key factors come along within this framework: 1) the decline of AKP’s capacity to politically survive by itself in turbulent domestic politics and thus reliance on Turkish nationalists’ support; 2) the breakout of Syria’s civil war, the emergence of the Islamic State and the rise of pan-Kurdish nationalism across Iran, Turkey, Syria and Iraq. If the region was more promising in terms of stability and if the AKP government was not uneasy about its own political survival in Turkey, KRG’s independence move may not have led to such aggressive nationalist reaction by Ankara. © 2019 selection and editorial matter, Alex Danilovich; individual chapters, the contributors.Article Citation - WoS: 6Citation - Scopus: 4Statehood and the Political Dynamics of Insurgency: Kla and Pkk in Comparative Perspective(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2017) Gutaj, Perparim; Al, SerhunWhy do some insurgencies attain their ultimate goal of statehood while others never do? Although explanations for insurgency success based on political will, natural resources, geography or diaspora involvement have advanced our understanding of the conditions under which insurgencies are likely to succeed in pursuing their statehood agenda, they have not adequately addressed the critical role of the major external actors (e.g. USA, UK, European Union, NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization)) and how significant these actors are in shaping the fate of many insurgencies around the world. In an effort to develop a model that explains insurgency outcome, this paper argues that external support or lack thereof is likely to shape insurgency outcome. When major external actors support insurgency, the movement is likely to succeed in pursuing its statehood agenda. Otherwise, the movement is likely to reconsider its political agenda if it lacks the necessary external support from major actors. This argument is demonstrated by a comprehensive study and comparison of two cases of insurgency, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK).Article Citation - WoS: 5Citation - Scopus: 9When Do States (de)securitise Minority Identities? Conflict and Change in Turkey and Northern Ireland(Palgrave Macmillan Ltd, 2018) Al, Serhun; Byrd, DouglasBy a comparative case analysis of the Northern Ireland conflict and the Kurdish conflict in Turkey, this article aims to make a contribution to the (de)securitisation literature. It raises two interrelated questions. First, under what conditions are states more likely to desecuritise minority identities? Second, what does desecuritisation entail? The conventional wisdom about desecuritisation, especially among the Copenhagen School scholars, is that it is the shift from emergency politics to normal politics within which the security speech act becomes absent. In turn, desecuritisation is assumed to be an agency-driven process. This article underlines some of the problems and insufficiencies of this approach and pushes forward an interpretation based on structure-driven processes along with agency-driven acts in the desecuritisation of minority identities. While we unpack the concept of desecuritisation further, as opposed to taking it at its face value (i.e. the absence of the security speech act), we place the process of desecuritisation into a specific historical context. We argue that states are more likely to desecuritise minority identities in three interrelated processes: first, when status-quo security discourses lose their legitimacy; second, when there is an elite change; and third, when there is an external pressure.Book Review Ethnic Boundaries in Turkish Politics: the Secular Kurdish Movement and Islam(Uluslararasi Iliskiler Konseyi Dernegi, 2019) Al, Serhun[Abstract Not Available]Book Review Kurdish Hizbullah in Turkey: Islamism, Violence and the State(Wiley, 2018) Al, Serhun[Abstract Not Available]Article Citation - Scopus: 3From Beka to Ghaza? New Ontological Security Regime and Turkey’s Neo-Imperial Bid in World Politics(SAGE Publications Inc., 2024) Adısönmez, Umut Can; Al, S.Turkey’s domestic and foreign policy agendas have long been dominated by the state survival politics (‘Beka Meselesi’ in Turkish). This survival logic is so powerful as it gravitates around collective anxieties and their re-production since the beginning of the early Republican period, the separation of Turkey along ethnic lines being the most distressing. Building on this, this article makes two claims. Firstly, it argues that alternative interpretations have emerged regarding Turkey’s self-image under the Justice and Development Party’s (JDP) rule. Specifically, the JDP elites re-imagined the country’s standing in world politics by drawing on the nostalgia for Ottoman grandeur. With this new self-image in mind, the JDP elites have critically engaged with the survival codes and priorities of the ‘Old’ Turkey by taking these notions as negative reference points in shaping the ‘New’ Turkey’s foreign policy direction. With this revised worldview and self-image, Turkey would finally reclaim its agenda-setter role in International Relations based on the historical, political, and sociocultural links with its imperial geography and beyond. Secondly, we argue that this shift from a more defensive survival-based approach towards a more offensive-interventionist imperial stance has two-fold dynamics. On the one hand, it has emerged in parallel to the changing nature of international order, that is, multipolarity and the rise of illiberalism. On the other hand, it has gained further momentum by the rising Turkish military-industrial complex that is closely linked with Turkey’s post-2016 realities. The article unpacks Turkey’s bid for neo-imperial standing in an evolving international order by drawing on the self-interrogative reflexivity approach in ontological security theory. © The Author(s) 2024.Article Kürt Çalışmaları Ortadoğu Çalışmaları’nın Neresinde?(2021) Al, Serhun20. yüzyılın ilk çeyreğinde imparatorlukların ulus-devletlere evrimi sona yaklaşırken, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu içerisinden birçok topluluk kendi kaderini tayin etme imkânı bularak devletleşti. Bu devletleşme süreci uluslaşma süreci ile iç içe ilerledi ve homojen ulus yaratma adına ‘öteki’ sayılanlar çoğunlukla asimilasyon, dışlanma ve etnik temizlik politikalarına maruz kaldılar. Kürtler, hem tarihsel anlamda hem de Osmanlı sonrası Ortadoğu siyasal coğrafyasının Irak, Suriye, Türkiye ve ayrıca İran’ın kesiştiği alanda yoğunlaşmalarına rağmen devletleşen topluluklar içerisinde yer alamadılar ve çoğunlukla ‘öteki’ konumuna düştüler. Bu bağlamda, 20. yüzyılın büyük bir bölümü merkezi devlet otoriterileri ile farklı Kürt grupları arasında siyasal ve kültürel mücadeleler ile geçti. Buna parallel olarak akademik ve entellektüel anlamda da Kürtler ve Kürt Çalışmaları Ortadoğu Çalışmaları içerisinde çoğunlukla ‘öteki’ konumunda kaldı. Kürtler üzerine kısıtlı olan akademik çalışmalar ancak 20. yüzyıl sonu ve 21. yüzyıl başında Kürtlerin hem Ortadoğu’da hem de küresel anlamda daha fazla ‘görünür’ hale gelmesi ile birlikte özellikle Avrupa ve Kuzey Amerika üniversitelerinde yaygınlaşmaya başladı. Siyaset bilimi, uluslararası ilişkiler, tarih, sosyoloji, iktisat ve antropoloji gibi farklı disiplinler ve farklı metodolojik yaklaşımlar üzerinden Kürtler ve Kürt coğrafyası daha da fazla araştırılmaya başlandı. Bu çalışma da son yıllarda ivme kazanan Kürt Çalışmaları’nı Ortadoğu Çalışmaları içerisinde bazı kuramsal, metodolojik ve tematik konular içerisinde değerlendirmektedir. Oryantalizm ve post-kolonyal paradigmalar bağlamında Ortadoğu ve Kürt Çalışmaları karşılaştırılırken, metodoloji ve veri konusunda Kürt Çalışmaları ele alınmaktadır. Kürt Çalışmaları’nın teritoryal sınırları ve Kürdoloji gibi kavramsal tanımlamalar ayrıca tartışılmaktadır. Bununla birlikte Ortadoğu Çalışmaları içerisinde çokça tartışılan milliyetçilik, İslam, demokratikleşme ve otoriterlik gibi konular Kürt Çalışmaları ekseninde karşılaştırmalı olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Genel olarak, Kürt Çalışmaları’nın Ortadoğu Çalışmaları içerisinde Kürtlerin Ortadoğu’daki siyasal statüsüzlük ve güvenlikleştirme politikaları nedeniyle akademik kurumsallaşma bakımından geriden geldiği fakat hızla gelişmekte olan bir araştırma alanı olduğu ortaya konmaktadır. Sonuç olarak, Kürt Çalışmaları’nın bu makalede tartışılan temaların ötesinde çok daha farklı temalar içerisinde de tartışılması gerektiği vurgulanmaktadır.Master Thesis The Impact of Refugee Crisis on Populism in Europe: a Supranational Analysis(İzmir Ekonomi Üniversitesi, 2021) Tufan, Osman; Al, SerhunPopülizm, siyaset bilimi literatüründe son zamanlarda oldukça tartışılan bir konu olsa da tarihte ilk olarak 19.yüzyılın sonlarında Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ve Rusya'da ortaya çıkması nedeniyle yeni bir kavram değildir. 20.yüzyılın ortalarında popülizm, ekonomik krizlerin etkisiyle Latin Amerika'ya yayılmıştır. Avrupa'da ise vergilendirmenin, küreselleşmenin, 2008 finansal krizinin, Euro bölgesi borç sorunun ve Avrupa Birliğinin genişlemesinin etkileri ile ilk olarak 20.yüzyılın sonlarında ve 21.yüzyılda yükselişe geçmiştir. 2015 yılında Suriye ve diğer Orta Doğu ülkelerinde yaşanan karışıklıklar nedeni ile ortaya çıkan mülteci krizi de popülizmin siyasi arenada yerini genişletmesine neden olmuştur. Bu durumun nedeni ise mevcut sistem ve seçkinlerden uzaklaşan; mültecileri, göçmenleri ve sığınmacıları kültürel ve ekonomik tehdit olarak algılayan insanların, alternatif partilere yönelmesidir. Böylece insanları seçkinlerin ve yabancıların karşısına yerleştirerek zıt bir ilişki kurma, insanların taleplerini ve egemenliğine öncelik verme, seçkinleri ve kurulu eleştirme, mültecilere karşı dışlayıcı tutumlar sergileme ve sosyo-kültürel bütünlük ile saflığın korunması destekleme gibi özellikler sergilen popülist partiler Avrupa'da ön plana çıkmıştır. Ancak, mevcut literatür ulusal düzeydeki popülizm çalışmalarına odaklanmaktadır. Bu bağlamda söz konusu tez, Avrupa Parlamentosu'ndaki siyasi grupların söylemleri aracılığı ile uluslarüstü bir inceleme gerçekleştirerek popülizmin ulusal düzeyle sınırlı kalmadığını göstermektedir. Sonuç olarak ilgili tez, benzer popülist özellikler gösterseler de sağ ve sol kanat siyasi grupların popülist söylemlerinde birbirinden nasıl farklılaştığına ışık tutmaktadır.Book Part Citation - Scopus: 1Ethnic Capital Across Borders and Regional Development: a Comparative Analysis of Kurds in Iraq and Turkey(Springer International Publishing, 2017) Al, Serhun; Tugdar E.E.[No abstract available]Article Citation - WoS: 13Citation - Scopus: 18Islam, Ethnicity and the State: Contested Spaces of Legitimacy and Power in the Kurdish-Turkish Public Sphere(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2019) Al, SerhunThe pro-Kurdish nationalist mobilization in Turkey was mostly built on the right to self-determination aligned with the Marxist-Leninist ideology for the insurgent Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in the early 1980s and ethnic minority rights for the secular-leftist pro-Kurdish legal parties in the 1990s. The Turkish state mostly framed the legal and illegal pro-Kurdish mobilization as 'the enemy of the state' and 'the enemy of Islam' in its counter-insurgency efforts. However, in the 2000s, the PKK and the pro-Kurdish legal parties became more tolerant and inclusive toward Islamic Kurdish identity by mobilizing their sympathizers in events such as 'Civic Friday Prayers' and a 'Democratic Islamic Congress'. This move aimed to function as an antidote to the rising popularity of the ruling conservative Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Kurdish Hizbullah in the early 2000s. In other words, Islam and pious Muslim identity has increasingly become contested among Turkish Islamists, Kurdish Islamists, and the secular Kurdish nationalists. This article seeks to unpack why, how, and under what conditions such competing actors and mechanisms shape the discursive and power relationships in the Kurdish-Turkish public sphere.
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