Al, Serhun
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Al, S.
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serhun.al@ieu.edu.tr
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03.06. Political Science and International Relations
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| Journal | Count |
|---|---|
| Mülkiye Dergisi | 3 |
| Comparative Kurdish Politics in the Middle East: Actors, Ideas, and Interests | 3 |
| Alternatives: Global, Local, Political | 1 |
| Federalism, Secession, and International Recognition Regime: Iraqi Kurdistan | 1 |
| Journal of Balkan And Near Eastern Studıes | 1 |
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Now showing 1 - 10 of 27
Book Part Citation - Scopus: 2Iraqi Kurdistan Independence Aspirations and the Neo-Ottomanist Turkish(Taylor and Francis, 2018-10-10) Tugdar E.E.; Al, SerhunTraditionally and historically, modern Turkey has always been against the idea of an independent Kurdistan in northern Iraq due to a fear of a spillover effect among Turkey’s own Kurdish population. However, after the rise of the Justice and Development Party (AKP, in Turkish) as a hegemonic power in after 2002, the relations between Ankara and Erbil have been significantly transformed as KRG has economically and politically become Turkey’s key strategic partner in the region. This chapter analyzes the ebb and flow in Turkey’s contemporary relationship with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq within the context of the September 2017 Kurdish independence referendum, in particular, and the idea of an independent Kurdistan, in general. We argue that Turkey’s evolving relationship with the KRG under the rule of AKP depends on the domestic balance of power in Turkish politics, on the one hand, and the regional security context, on the other. Two key factors come along within this framework: 1) the decline of AKP’s capacity to politically survive by itself in turbulent domestic politics and thus reliance on Turkish nationalists’ support; 2) the breakout of Syria’s civil war, the emergence of the Islamic State and the rise of pan-Kurdish nationalism across Iran, Turkey, Syria and Iraq. If the region was more promising in terms of stability and if the AKP government was not uneasy about its own political survival in Turkey, KRG’s independence move may not have led to such aggressive nationalist reaction by Ankara. © 2019 selection and editorial matter, Alex Danilovich; individual chapters, the contributors.Article Citation - WoS: 6Citation - Scopus: 4Statehood and the Political Dynamics of Insurgency: Kla and Pkk in Comparative Perspective(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2016-08-05) Gutaj, Perparim; Al, SerhunWhy do some insurgencies attain their ultimate goal of statehood while others never do? Although explanations for insurgency success based on political will, natural resources, geography or diaspora involvement have advanced our understanding of the conditions under which insurgencies are likely to succeed in pursuing their statehood agenda, they have not adequately addressed the critical role of the major external actors (e.g. USA, UK, European Union, NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization)) and how significant these actors are in shaping the fate of many insurgencies around the world. In an effort to develop a model that explains insurgency outcome, this paper argues that external support or lack thereof is likely to shape insurgency outcome. When major external actors support insurgency, the movement is likely to succeed in pursuing its statehood agenda. Otherwise, the movement is likely to reconsider its political agenda if it lacks the necessary external support from major actors. This argument is demonstrated by a comprehensive study and comparison of two cases of insurgency, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK).Book Review Ethnic Boundaries in Turkish Politics: the Secular Kurdish Movement and Islam(Uluslararasi Iliskiler Konseyi Dernegi, 2019-12-01) Al, Serhun[Abstract Not Available]Book Part Citation - Scopus: 1Turkey and the Middle East: From Defensive-Pragmatic Engagement to Offensive-Ideological Interventionism(Edinburgh University Press, 2023) Al, SerhunArticle Citation - Scopus: 3From Beka to Ghaza? New Ontological Security Regime and Turkey’s Neo-Imperial Bid in World Politics(SAGE Publications Inc., 2024-11-22) Adısönmez, Umut Can; Al, S.Turkey’s domestic and foreign policy agendas have long been dominated by the state survival politics (‘Beka Meselesi’ in Turkish). This survival logic is so powerful as it gravitates around collective anxieties and their re-production since the beginning of the early Republican period, the separation of Turkey along ethnic lines being the most distressing. Building on this, this article makes two claims. Firstly, it argues that alternative interpretations have emerged regarding Turkey’s self-image under the Justice and Development Party’s (JDP) rule. Specifically, the JDP elites re-imagined the country’s standing in world politics by drawing on the nostalgia for Ottoman grandeur. With this new self-image in mind, the JDP elites have critically engaged with the survival codes and priorities of the ‘Old’ Turkey by taking these notions as negative reference points in shaping the ‘New’ Turkey’s foreign policy direction. With this revised worldview and self-image, Turkey would finally reclaim its agenda-setter role in International Relations based on the historical, political, and sociocultural links with its imperial geography and beyond. Secondly, we argue that this shift from a more defensive survival-based approach towards a more offensive-interventionist imperial stance has two-fold dynamics. On the one hand, it has emerged in parallel to the changing nature of international order, that is, multipolarity and the rise of illiberalism. On the other hand, it has gained further momentum by the rising Turkish military-industrial complex that is closely linked with Turkey’s post-2016 realities. The article unpacks Turkey’s bid for neo-imperial standing in an evolving international order by drawing on the self-interrogative reflexivity approach in ontological security theory. © The Author(s) 2024.Article Citation - WoS: 13Citation - Scopus: 18Islam, Ethnicity and the State: Contested Spaces of Legitimacy and Power in the Kurdish-Turkish Public Sphere(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2019-01-02) Al, SerhunThe pro-Kurdish nationalist mobilization in Turkey was mostly built on the right to self-determination aligned with the Marxist-Leninist ideology for the insurgent Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in the early 1980s and ethnic minority rights for the secular-leftist pro-Kurdish legal parties in the 1990s. The Turkish state mostly framed the legal and illegal pro-Kurdish mobilization as 'the enemy of the state' and 'the enemy of Islam' in its counter-insurgency efforts. However, in the 2000s, the PKK and the pro-Kurdish legal parties became more tolerant and inclusive toward Islamic Kurdish identity by mobilizing their sympathizers in events such as 'Civic Friday Prayers' and a 'Democratic Islamic Congress'. This move aimed to function as an antidote to the rising popularity of the ruling conservative Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Kurdish Hizbullah in the early 2000s. In other words, Islam and pious Muslim identity has increasingly become contested among Turkish Islamists, Kurdish Islamists, and the secular Kurdish nationalists. This article seeks to unpack why, how, and under what conditions such competing actors and mechanisms shape the discursive and power relationships in the Kurdish-Turkish public sphere.Article Citation - WoS: 5Citation - Scopus: 9When Do States (de)securitise Minority Identities? Conflict and Change in Turkey and Northern Ireland(Palgrave Macmillan Ltd, 2017-02-23) Al, Serhun; Byrd, DouglasBy a comparative case analysis of the Northern Ireland conflict and the Kurdish conflict in Turkey, this article aims to make a contribution to the (de)securitisation literature. It raises two interrelated questions. First, under what conditions are states more likely to desecuritise minority identities? Second, what does desecuritisation entail? The conventional wisdom about desecuritisation, especially among the Copenhagen School scholars, is that it is the shift from emergency politics to normal politics within which the security speech act becomes absent. In turn, desecuritisation is assumed to be an agency-driven process. This article underlines some of the problems and insufficiencies of this approach and pushes forward an interpretation based on structure-driven processes along with agency-driven acts in the desecuritisation of minority identities. While we unpack the concept of desecuritisation further, as opposed to taking it at its face value (i.e. the absence of the security speech act), we place the process of desecuritisation into a specific historical context. We argue that states are more likely to desecuritise minority identities in three interrelated processes: first, when status-quo security discourses lose their legitimacy; second, when there is an elite change; and third, when there is an external pressure.Book Citation - Scopus: 3Comparative Kurdish Politics in the Middle East: Actors, Ideas, and Interests(Springer International Publishing, 2018) Tugdar E.E.; Al, SerhunThis edited volume introduces the political, social and economic intra-Kurdish dynamics in the Middle East by comparatively analyzing the main actors, their ideas, and political interests. As an ethnic group and a nation in the making, Kurds are not homogeneous and united but rather the Kurdish Middle East is home to various competing political groups, leaderships, ideologies, and interests. Although many existing studies focus on the Kurds and their relations with the nation-states that they populate, few studies analyze the Kurdish Middle East within its own debates, conflicts and interests from a comparative perspective across Iran, Iraq, Turkey, and Syria. This book analyzes the intra-Kurdish dynamics with historically-grounded, theoretically-informed, and conceptually-relevant scholarship that prioritizes comparative politics over international relations. © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018. All rights reserved.Master Thesis Neoclassical Realism in Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: a Case Study of the Oslo Peace Process, 1993-1995(İzmir Ekonomi Üniversitesi, 2020) Erden, Hasan Umur; Al, SerhunBu çalışmada, Oslo Barış Anlaşmalarının başarısız olma nedenleri neoklasik gerçekçilik bağlamında incelenmiştir. 5 Haziran 1967'de patlak veren ve İsrail'in zaferi ile sonuçlanan Arap-İsrail savaşı, bölgedeki güç dengesinde köktenci bir değişime neden olmuştur. Değişen statüko ve tehdit algısı nedeniyle bağımsız bir Filistin Otoritesi ortaya çıkmış ve bölgedeki çatışma dinamiğini yeniden şekillendirmiştir. Bunun yanında, 1980'lerde patlak veren uluslararası sistem krizi nedeniyle tehditlerin belirsiz bir hal alması sonucunda, maddi güç kapasitesi bakımından zayıf olan asimetrik tehditler kaynaklarını en üst düzeye çıkarma fırsatı bulmuşlardır. Sonuç itibariyle, 1987'de İntifada patlak vermiştir. Israil içinde ekonomik ve güvenlik krizleri ortaya çıkmıştır. Bunun yanında, Ortadoğu'da yükselişe geçen radikal devletler ve onların devlet-dışı çevre aktörleri, Israil'in güvenliğine doğrudan tehdit oluşturmuşlardır. En önemlisi, Soğuk Savaş'ın sona ermesi ile birlikte değişen dünya düzeni, İsrail'in işgal ettiği toprakları yönetemeyeceği gerçeğini ortaya çıkarmıştır. Tehdidin dengelenmesini sağlamak veya çeşitlenmesini engellemek adına başta sistemsel olarak ve sonrasında iç dinamikler yolu ile İsrail barış görüşmelerine teşvik edilmiştir. 1993'de Prensiplerin Deklarasyonu ve 1995' de Oslo II Anlaşması Israil ve Filistin arasında imzalanmıştır. Filistin Otoritesi, İsrail tarafından meşru bir aktör olarak kabul edilmiş ve barışa olan inanç güçlenmiştir. Lakin, 1995' de Yitzhak Rabin' in suikasta uğraması süreci dondurmuştur ve Likud partisinin iktidara gelmesi ile birlikte süreç çıkmaza girmiştir. İncelemelerin sonucunda, Oslo Barış Anlaşmalarının sistemsel baskıların zayıf olması ve taraflar arasında güç eşitsizliğinin giderilmemesi sonucunda süreç tarafların güvenlik ve çıkar eksenli beklentilerini karşılamamıştır. Buna karşın, liderlerin sürece doğrudan müdahalesi sonucu, süreç kısa vadeli olarak başarıyla sürdürülmüştür lakin sistemik baskılar uzun vadede sürecin ana belirleyici olmuş ve çökmesine yol açmıştır.Master Thesis Secular Arab Nationalism Vs Islamic Extremism: the Cases of Iraq and Syria in the Post-Cold War Era(İzmir Ekonomi Üniversitesi, 2020) Çınar, Çağrı; Al, Serhunİslami silahlı grupların Ortadoğu'da 2000'li yıllardan sonra yükselişi, özellikle Irak ve Suriye'de zorlu bir mesele haline gelmiştir. Amerika'nın 2003'de Irak'ı işgali ve Arap Baharı süreci bu gruplar tarafından doldurulan benzeri görülmemiş bir güç boşluğuna yol açmıştır. Bu önemli dönüm noktaları, bu gruplar için fırsatlar sağlamış olabilir, fakat Hafız Esad ve Saddam Hüseyin döneminden kaynaklanan Irak ve Suriye'de milliyetçiliğin sorunlu rolü, vatandaşlık temelli kapsayıcı bir ulusal kimlik yaratılamadığı için bu noktada kritiktir. Öte yandan eski gruplardan farklı olarak Irak ve Suriye'de yükselen İslami silahi gruplar tarafından benimsenen yeni taktikler, bu grupların güçlerin artmasına katkı sağlamıştır. Sosyal hizmetlerin daha geniş bir ölçekte kullanılması ve top yekün bir savaş yerine stratejik şiddetin kullanılması, grupların taraftarlarına yönelik seferberlik gücünün artmasına neden olmuştur. Bu tez güncel İslami aşırılıkçılığı Hafız Esad, Saddam Hüseyin ve devam eden dönemdeki milliyetçilik anlayışıyla karşılaştırarak analiz eder. Bulgular kapsayıcı bir ulusal kimlik yaratmadaki başarısızlığın ve İslami silahlı grupların benimsediği yeni taktiklerin aşırılıkçılığın yükselişe geçmesine neden olduğunu göstermektedir.
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