Al, Serhun

Profile Picture
Profile URL
https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14365/6761
Name Variants
Al, S.
Job Title
Email Address
serhun.al@ieu.edu.tr
Main Affiliation
03.06. Political Science and International Relations
Status
Current Staff
Website
ORCID ID
0000-0001-6253-3214
Scopus Author ID
56268571300
Turkish CoHE Profile ID
B76C815638DB24C2
Google Scholar ID
dXI8eGYAAAAJ
WoS Researcher ID
JGD-3225-2023
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Serhun_Al.png (99.7 KB)

Sustainable Development Goals

Documents

15

Citations

124

h-index

6

Go to Scopus profile
Documents

27

Citations

104

Go to WoS profile
Scholarly Output

26

Articles

9

Views / Downloads

7/695

Supervised MSc Theses

8

Supervised PhD Theses

0

WoS Citation Count

41

Scopus Citation Count

64

WoS h-index

4

Scopus h-index

5

Patents

0

Projects

0

WoS Citations per Publication

1.58

Scopus Citations per Publication

2.46

Open Access Source

14

Supervised Theses

8

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Current Page: 1 / NaN

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Scholarly Output Search Results

Now showing 1 - 10 of 26
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    Master Thesis
    Syrian Refugees Through the Lens of Balkan Immigrants: the Case of Çamdibi, İzmir
    (İzmir Ekonomi Üniversitesi, 2022) Dinçseven, Gizem; Al, Serhun
    Arap Baharı'nın yol açtığı Suriye İç Savaşı'nın başlamasından sonra Suriyeli mülteci krizi başta Türkiye olmak üzere birçok ülkeyi etkiledi. UNHCR (2022) verilerine göre Türkiye yaklaşık dört milyon Suriyeli mülteciyi kabul etmiştir ve Mülteciler Derneği (2022) verilerine göre yaklaşık 150.000 mülteci İzmir'de ikamet etmektedir. Balkan kökenli bir yerleşim bölgesi olan Çamdibi, Suriyelilerin yerleşmeyi tercih ettiği ilçelerden biridir. Bu araştırma, Balkan göçmenlerinin Suriyeli mültecilere karşı kültür, ekonomi ve güvenlik açısından yaklaşımını inceleyerek Suriyelilerin ve Balkan göçmenlerinin Çamdibi'deki entegrasyon sürecini incelemektedir. Bu araştırma konusu için 15 Balkan göçmeni ile görüşmeler yapılmıştır. Saha çalışması, mültecilerle düzenli bağlantıların ve aynı mahalleyi paylaşmanın Suriyelilere karşı empatiyi artırdığını ve mültecilerin tanınmasının desteklediğini göstermiştir. Bununla beraber, mültecilerle herhangi bir şekilde bağlantı kuramamış katılımcılar mülteciler hakkında olumsuz yorumlarda bulunmaya yatkın olup mülteciler aleyhindeki söylemlere ve önyargılara inanma eğilimindedirler. Ayrıca ekonomik fırsatların kaybedilmesi korkusu, kültürel ve ulusal birliğin kaybedilmesi korkusu, kültürel farklılıklar ve mülteci krizine uygulanan ulusal ve uluslararası politikalar hakkında bilgi eksikliği, Suriyeli mültecilerin tanınmasını ve Çamdibi'deki entegrasyon sürecini engelleyen temel noktalardır. Sonuç olarak, bu araştırma Çamdibi'deki Suriyelilerin entegrasyon ve tanınma derecelerini göstermektedir.
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    Article
    Citation - WoS: 2
    Citation - Scopus: 5
    Federal Versus Unitary States: Ethnic Accommodation of Tamils and Kurds
    (Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2020) O'Driscoll, Dylan; Costantini, Irene; Al, Serhun
    This article contributes to the debate on whether federalism leads to ethnic accommodation and is peace-preserving through comparing the methods of ethnic accommodation in federal and unitary states. Rather than focusing on a large dataset, this article offers an in-depth picture of the role the two systems play in ethnic accommodation, offering a more nuanced understanding. The Kurds (Iraq and Turkey) and Tamils (India and Sri Lanka) have been chosen as they form territorial minorities in both federal and unitary states. The article suggests that federalist states offer a degree of acceptance toward political, cultural and economic equality with ethnic minorities. However, federalism may not be the cause of ethnic accommodation; it may be on the one hand the expression of a state willing to concede cultural, political and economic equality to an ethnic minority, or on the other hand induce such behavior. Thus, federalism without recognition of such equality does not guarantee ethnic accommodation.
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    Article
    Citation - WoS: 6
    Citation - Scopus: 4
    Statehood and the Political Dynamics of Insurgency: Kla and Pkk in Comparative Perspective
    (Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2017) Gutaj, Perparim; Al, Serhun
    Why do some insurgencies attain their ultimate goal of statehood while others never do? Although explanations for insurgency success based on political will, natural resources, geography or diaspora involvement have advanced our understanding of the conditions under which insurgencies are likely to succeed in pursuing their statehood agenda, they have not adequately addressed the critical role of the major external actors (e.g. USA, UK, European Union, NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization)) and how significant these actors are in shaping the fate of many insurgencies around the world. In an effort to develop a model that explains insurgency outcome, this paper argues that external support or lack thereof is likely to shape insurgency outcome. When major external actors support insurgency, the movement is likely to succeed in pursuing its statehood agenda. Otherwise, the movement is likely to reconsider its political agenda if it lacks the necessary external support from major actors. This argument is demonstrated by a comprehensive study and comparison of two cases of insurgency, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK).
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    Book Review
    Ethnic Boundaries in Turkish Politics: the Secular Kurdish Movement and Islam
    (Uluslararasi Iliskiler Konseyi Dernegi, 2019) Al, Serhun
    [Abstract Not Available]
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    Book Part
    Citation - Scopus: 2
    Iraqi Kurdistan Independence Aspirations and the Neo-Ottomanist Turkish
    (Taylor and Francis, 2018) Tugdar E.E.; Al, Serhun
    Traditionally and historically, modern Turkey has always been against the idea of an independent Kurdistan in northern Iraq due to a fear of a spillover effect among Turkey’s own Kurdish population. However, after the rise of the Justice and Development Party (AKP, in Turkish) as a hegemonic power in after 2002, the relations between Ankara and Erbil have been significantly transformed as KRG has economically and politically become Turkey’s key strategic partner in the region. This chapter analyzes the ebb and flow in Turkey’s contemporary relationship with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq within the context of the September 2017 Kurdish independence referendum, in particular, and the idea of an independent Kurdistan, in general. We argue that Turkey’s evolving relationship with the KRG under the rule of AKP depends on the domestic balance of power in Turkish politics, on the one hand, and the regional security context, on the other. Two key factors come along within this framework: 1) the decline of AKP’s capacity to politically survive by itself in turbulent domestic politics and thus reliance on Turkish nationalists’ support; 2) the breakout of Syria’s civil war, the emergence of the Islamic State and the rise of pan-Kurdish nationalism across Iran, Turkey, Syria and Iraq. If the region was more promising in terms of stability and if the AKP government was not uneasy about its own political survival in Turkey, KRG’s independence move may not have led to such aggressive nationalist reaction by Ankara. © 2019 selection and editorial matter, Alex Danilovich; individual chapters, the contributors.
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    Book Review
    Kurdish Hizbullah in Turkey: Islamism, Violence and the State
    (Wiley, 2018) Al, Serhun
    [Abstract Not Available]
  • Thumbnail Image
    Article
    Citation - WoS: 13
    Citation - Scopus: 18
    Islam, Ethnicity and the State: Contested Spaces of Legitimacy and Power in the Kurdish-Turkish Public Sphere
    (Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2019) Al, Serhun
    The pro-Kurdish nationalist mobilization in Turkey was mostly built on the right to self-determination aligned with the Marxist-Leninist ideology for the insurgent Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in the early 1980s and ethnic minority rights for the secular-leftist pro-Kurdish legal parties in the 1990s. The Turkish state mostly framed the legal and illegal pro-Kurdish mobilization as 'the enemy of the state' and 'the enemy of Islam' in its counter-insurgency efforts. However, in the 2000s, the PKK and the pro-Kurdish legal parties became more tolerant and inclusive toward Islamic Kurdish identity by mobilizing their sympathizers in events such as 'Civic Friday Prayers' and a 'Democratic Islamic Congress'. This move aimed to function as an antidote to the rising popularity of the ruling conservative Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Kurdish Hizbullah in the early 2000s. In other words, Islam and pious Muslim identity has increasingly become contested among Turkish Islamists, Kurdish Islamists, and the secular Kurdish nationalists. This article seeks to unpack why, how, and under what conditions such competing actors and mechanisms shape the discursive and power relationships in the Kurdish-Turkish public sphere.
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    Article
    Citation - WoS: 5
    Citation - Scopus: 9
    When Do States (de)securitise Minority Identities? Conflict and Change in Turkey and Northern Ireland
    (Palgrave Macmillan Ltd, 2018) Al, Serhun; Byrd, Douglas
    By a comparative case analysis of the Northern Ireland conflict and the Kurdish conflict in Turkey, this article aims to make a contribution to the (de)securitisation literature. It raises two interrelated questions. First, under what conditions are states more likely to desecuritise minority identities? Second, what does desecuritisation entail? The conventional wisdom about desecuritisation, especially among the Copenhagen School scholars, is that it is the shift from emergency politics to normal politics within which the security speech act becomes absent. In turn, desecuritisation is assumed to be an agency-driven process. This article underlines some of the problems and insufficiencies of this approach and pushes forward an interpretation based on structure-driven processes along with agency-driven acts in the desecuritisation of minority identities. While we unpack the concept of desecuritisation further, as opposed to taking it at its face value (i.e. the absence of the security speech act), we place the process of desecuritisation into a specific historical context. We argue that states are more likely to desecuritise minority identities in three interrelated processes: first, when status-quo security discourses lose their legitimacy; second, when there is an elite change; and third, when there is an external pressure.
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    Article
    Citation - Scopus: 3
    From Beka to Ghaza? New Ontological Security Regime and Turkey’s Neo-Imperial Bid in World Politics
    (SAGE Publications Inc., 2024) Adısönmez, Umut Can; Al, S.
    Turkey’s domestic and foreign policy agendas have long been dominated by the state survival politics (‘Beka Meselesi’ in Turkish). This survival logic is so powerful as it gravitates around collective anxieties and their re-production since the beginning of the early Republican period, the separation of Turkey along ethnic lines being the most distressing. Building on this, this article makes two claims. Firstly, it argues that alternative interpretations have emerged regarding Turkey’s self-image under the Justice and Development Party’s (JDP) rule. Specifically, the JDP elites re-imagined the country’s standing in world politics by drawing on the nostalgia for Ottoman grandeur. With this new self-image in mind, the JDP elites have critically engaged with the survival codes and priorities of the ‘Old’ Turkey by taking these notions as negative reference points in shaping the ‘New’ Turkey’s foreign policy direction. With this revised worldview and self-image, Turkey would finally reclaim its agenda-setter role in International Relations based on the historical, political, and sociocultural links with its imperial geography and beyond. Secondly, we argue that this shift from a more defensive survival-based approach towards a more offensive-interventionist imperial stance has two-fold dynamics. On the one hand, it has emerged in parallel to the changing nature of international order, that is, multipolarity and the rise of illiberalism. On the other hand, it has gained further momentum by the rising Turkish military-industrial complex that is closely linked with Turkey’s post-2016 realities. The article unpacks Turkey’s bid for neo-imperial standing in an evolving international order by drawing on the self-interrogative reflexivity approach in ontological security theory. © The Author(s) 2024.
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    Book Part
    Citation - Scopus: 1